Caste-based discrimination in the workplace is another area where prejudices persist. Despite laws designed to protect marginalized groups, discrimination in hiring, promotions, and pay scales remains rampant.

Caste discrimination remains a deeply entrenched issue in modern India, despite legal safeguards and constitutional guarantees. It continues to manifest in various forms across socio-economic, political, cultural, and educational institutions, in Caste ridden society like India and across the world. Anti-Caste movement warrior and charismatic leader Kanshi Ram once said that Indians carry their Caste identity with them wherever they go, which underlines how deeply Caste is rooted in the psyche of Indians. The biggest irony of this country is that there are some intellectuals from upper Castes and lower Castes who firmly believe that there is no Caste oppression and exclusion at all in the 21st century.

Although traditional manifestations of Caste, such as untouchability, have diminished due to ongoing Anti-Caste movements, the Casteist behaviour and practices still thrives in more subtle, more insidious ways. Many professionals in India, from doctors and engineers to IAS officers and media figures, often carry a Casteist mind-set, despite their high qualifications. It cannot be exaggeration to say that there is nothing in India, which is not classified into Caste system. Even judiciary is not away from this disease, which is responsible to maintain rule of law or a just society. These subtle forms of Caste-based discrimination are harder to detect, but their presence is palpable, particularly in sectors such as education, employment, and healthcare. Modern form of Caste psyche can be seen in hatred of Savarna peoples against constitutional rights or remedies of the Dalits. When they see capable and empowered Dalits they become angry and frustrated against policies like reservation. They feel that those who did not have the courage to stand up to them till yesterday are equal to us today because of reservation. Not only this, they also forget that such kind of their thinking is a disease which is a threat to humanity and the country. There is so much hatred towards the constitutional rights for the upliftment of Dalits that they even forget how many conspiracies were hatched in the history to empower them? And how Dalits, Adivasis and backward classes used to work hard and the upper Castes used to enjoy it? People of the upper Caste society are not at all ready to think with what intention and how their own ancestors put this disease in their minds?

Their cunningness is such that they are always trying to explain how Dalits became untouchables due to their own reasons. But they never dare to tell what their role was and is in making Dalits untouchables and Dalits.

Educational Institutions: The Breeding Ground for Modern Caste Discrimination

Educational institutions in India are microcosms of society, and Caste-based discrimination is endemic within them. Students from marginalized Castes often face obstacles from the very start of their educational journey, encountering discriminatory practices in admissions, unequal treatment by teachers, and segregation in hostels and social events. This discrimination is compounded by limited access to scholarships, mentorship, and other resources, which curtails opportunities for academic growth and success. It is established fact that educational institutions are not a separate world. Therefore, they followed norms, values and practices, which practice in the society. As it is an established fact that educational institutions are also an integral part of the society. Due to which educational institutions are not able to escape the evils of the society or its ideals. In this way, the disease of Caste is swallowing not only the teachers of the Dalit society but also the students and employees. Students from lower Castes are often treated as inferior by teachers, who may not give them the same attention or encouragement as they do to students from upper Castes. Similarly, peers may engage in bullying or social exclusion, exacerbating the feeling of alienation. Although physical segregation has decreased, social segregation persists, with students from lower Castes often forming their own groups, isolated from others due to prejudices that persist from their upbringing. Marginalized Caste students frequently face barriers in accessing academic resources, including scholarships, training programs, and extracurricular opportunities, further limiting their ability to compete on an equal footing.

Caste Discrimination in the Workplace

Caste-based discrimination in the workplace is another area where prejudices persist. Despite laws designed to protect marginalized groups, discrimination in hiring, promotions, and pay scales remains rampant. Individuals from lower Castes often find themselves side-lined for opportunities and promotions, facing an implicit ceiling on their professional growth due to their Caste identity. Thus, employees from lower Castes may receive lower wages than their upper-Caste counterparts, even when performing the same tasks. Talented individuals from marginalized Castes may be passed over for promotions in favour of less-qualified upper-Caste candidates. Marginalized Caste individuals are often subjected to harassment or bullying, with little recourse for justice due to their lower standing in the organizational hierarchy.

Two months of riots since 3 May 2023 after the protest by the All Tribal Students’ Union of Manipur over the issue of grant of Scheduled Tribes (ST) status to the Meiteis turned violent, ethnic riots between the Meiteis and the Kukis in Manipur has turned into a full scale civil war, destabilising peace and security in the North East, stated the Rights and Risks Analysis Group (RRAG) today.

“At least 120 persons have been killed so far while around 70,000 people have been displaced including 50,698 persons in relief camps in Manipur, over 12,000 persons who fled to Mizoram, 3,000 persons who fled to Assam, and over 1,000 people who fled to Meghalaya while thousands of the displaced have not sought shelter in relief camps. The Kukis who have fled to other States have been facing opposition to settlement from local groups such as in Meghalaya. With little improvement of the situation in Manipur as reflected from the killing of 10 persons on 2 July, there is little possibility for the return of the majority displaced persons to their original homes.”- stated Mr Suhas Chakma, Director of the RRAG.

“The destabilisation of the North East’s regional peace and security by the riots in Manipur is unprecedented in the history of the North East as the arming of over 3,000 civilians with alleged looting of over 4,000 weapons and five lakhs (5,00,000) ammunitions.” – further stated Mr Chakma.

There has not been any accountability for looting of the arms and arming of the civilians, failure to enforce the Suspension of Operations agreements with 23 Underground outfits since August 2008 and failure to bring the situation under control despite the imposition of Article 355 of the Constitution on 6 May 2023.

“The failure to bring the situation under control after the imposition of Article 355 of the Constitution on 6 May calls for the imposition of Article 356 of the Constitution to provide a government that is perceived as neutral. The current arrangement of Chief Minister Biren Singh supervising the security situation in the valley and the Ministry of Home Affairs supervising the situation in the hills only cements the division. The involvement of the insurgent groups of the Meiteis and the Kukis in the riots has the potential to spread the insurgency across the North Eastern region and destabilize the region.” – warned RRAG.

The RRAG recommended bringing the situation under control by imposing President’s rule, providing fresh impetus to the peace process headed by the Governor, and ensuring effective rehabilitation and resettlement of the displaced persons to their original places of inhabitance with safety and security.

Edit : Sushma Tomar 

The mental health crisis among Dalit youth in India is an escalating issue that demands urgent attention. In recent years, a distressing trend has emerged, revealing that several Dalit students are either attempting or committing suicide due to the severe pressures they face in academic institutions. These tragic incidents highlight the grave mental health challenges that Dalit students endure, shedding light on the systemic issues of caste-based discrimination and institutional apathy. One of the most heart-wrenching cases is that of Dr. Payal Tadvi, a 26-year-old postgraduate medical student in Mumbai.

In 2019, Payal ended her life after allegedly facing relentless caste-based harassment from her seniors. As a member of the Tadvi Bhil Muslim community, Payal had repeatedly complained about the discrimination she endured. Despite her cries for help, the harassment continued unabated, pushing her to a tragic end. Her death sparked widespread protests and demands for stricter enforcement of anti-ragging laws and greater protection for marginalized students. Rohith Vemula’s case remains one of the most high-profile instances, casting a long shadow over India’s academic institutions. In 2016, Vemula, a PhD student at the University of Hyderabad and an active member of the Ambedkar Students’ Association, took his own life.

His suicide note poignantly expressed his despair and disillusionment, reflecting the systemic discrimination and institutional bias he faced. Rohith’s death ignited a nationwide debate on caste discrimination in universities, with students and activists demanding justice and reforms. In another tragic incident, Dr. Ashwath Marivada, a Dalit MBBS student from Bangalore Medical College, was found dead in his hostel room in 2020. His family and friends reported that he had been under immense stress due to the caste-based discrimination from both peers and faculty members.

Dr. Marivada’s death underscored the pervasive nature of casteism within educational settings and its devastating impact on the mental health of Dalit students. Dalit students in India face a multitude of pressures that contribute to their mental health crisis. Caste-based discrimination remains rampant despite legal protections. Many Dalit students endure exclusion, derogatory remarks, and unfair treatment from both peers and faculty. This discrimination often leads to a sense of alienation and marginalization, severely impacting their mental well-being. Academic pressure further compounds these challenges.

Many Dalit students come from underprivileged backgrounds and face immense pressure to succeed academically, often as a means to uplift their families from poverty. This pressure is exacerbated by the lack of adequate support systems and resources in educational institutions, making it harder for them to cope with academic demands. Social isolation is another significant factor contributing to the mental health crisis among Dalit students. The social exclusion they experience can lead to severe feelings of loneliness and isolation. This is particularly damaging in an environment where peer support is crucial for emotional well-being.

Economic strain adds another layer of stress. Many Dalit students struggle to afford education and related expenses, leading to financial burdens that further exacerbate their mental health issues. Scholarships and financial aid, while available, are often insufficient to cover all their needs. Addressing the mental health crisis among Dalit youth requires a multi-faceted approach. Educational institutions must strengthen anti-discrimination policies and ensure that they are rigorously enforced. Swift and decisive action should be taken against any form of caste-based harassment to create a safe and inclusive environment for all students.

Providing robust mental health support services is crucial. Institutions should offer counseling and peer support groups specifically tailored to the needs of marginalized students. Raising awareness and providing sensitivity training for faculty and students can foster a more inclusive and supportive environment, helping to reduce instances of discrimination and bias. Financial assistance is also vital in alleviating some of the economic pressures faced by Dalit students. Scholarships and financial aid programs should be expanded to ensure that all students have the means to pursue their education without undue financial stress.

The suicides of Dr. Payal Tadvi, Rohith Vemula, Dr. Ashwath Marivada, and others are stark reminders of the urgent need to address the mental health crisis among Dalit youth. These tragic losses underline the systemic issues of caste-based discrimination and the lack of institutional support that continue to plague India’s educational system. It is imperative for society, educational institutions, and policymakers to take concrete steps to create a more inclusive and supportive environment for all students, regardless of their caste or background. The future of India’s youth and the principles of equality and justice that the nation upholds depend on it.

Recently, there has been extensive debate on a call by renowned filmmaker and activist Pa. Ranjith for elected Dalit leaders to step forward and voice their concerns against the injustices facing the community. He made this call during a protest rally demanding justice for the deceased BSP leader K. Armstrong, revealing the plight of Dalits in Tamil Nadu and beyond.

Edit: Nitya Kaimal

On July 5, 2024, some men disguised as food delivery agents brutally murdered Armstrong, the state president of Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) Tamil Nadu and an Ambedkarite leader. Among other things, Armstrong had actively campaigned for education, and had been active in the Ambedkarite Buddhist Movement. The police have hinted that his murder could be a revenge killing related to the elimination of gangster Arcot Suresh in 2023. Nevertheless, his followers believe that there is more to it than that. Consequently, fifteen people have been apprehended so far concerning this case, including M. Anjalai, a former BJP member. She had previously served as BJP’s Mahila Morcha functionary, besides being an associate of the late criminal Arcot V. Suresh. She has been accused of handing over Rs 10 lakh to one of the arrested assailants in the Armstrong murder.

Ranjith, who is known for his films that look at Dalit politics expressed his anger on Dalit representatives’ lack of collective action which should have been aimed at changing their condition. He bashed leaders for their inability to coalesce around a common agenda that can address system failures that impact. Ranjith noted that political party pressures could be responsible for inaction, even though there are reserved seats meant to guarantee representation of Dalits.

Neelam Cultural Centre organised a rally that was attended by several groups, including Dalit organizations and other human rights groups. However, VCK founder Ayya Thol. Thirumavalavan ordered his party members not to participate. This decision has brought up questions regarding why certain priorities exist within political organizations and how far they are willing to safeguard their interests rather than discuss community matters concerning vulnerable individuals.

Ranjith’s speech during the rally was a poignant reminder of the responsibility that Dalit leaders have to their community. This he asked because why such leaders like Mayor of Chennai R. Priya and Minister for Adi Dravidar and Tribal Welfare Kayalvizhi Selvaraj had failed to publicly demand justice for Armstrong. He told them to appreciate pioneers such as Babasaheb Ambedkar who through his work has made it possible for them to be in their current positions, and not allow politics to take away their voices.

anjith’s call for action brings out the critical necessity for the political release of Dalit leaders and speaking against injustices, from which the voices of their community can be heard, and its rights protected. More important is K. Armstrong’s murder, which critically underscores the urgency of this demand by serving as a brutal reminder of threats faced by Dalit leaders and activists as well as persisting systemic questions.

Ranjith’s rally underscores the need for a proactive stand by the Dalit leadership towards addressing material inequality and violence experienced by their people. It demands solidarity, bravery and unwavering commitment to justice; it speaks to enduring legacies exemplified by individuals like Ambedkar whose dream for an equal society has fuelled activism in support of Dalits’ human rights today.

The results of the Lok Sabha elections 2024 have been declared. The Election Commission has made it clear by announcing the results of 543 Lok Sabha seats that which alliance will form the government in the country, NDA or INDIA. But meanwhile, there was one Lok Sabha seat which not only attracted the attention of the entire Lok Sabha election but also dominated the entire social media. We are talking about Nagina Lok Sabha of Uttar Pradesh.

Nagina Lok Sabha of Uttar Pradesh was a topic of discussion even before the elections began, but the results were declared today. Chandrashekhar Azad of Azad Samaj Party won the Nagina Lok Sabha seat by a margin of one and a half lakh votes. He defeated BJP candidate Om Kumar and Manoj Kumar of India Alliance by a huge margin. Chandrashekhar Azad, the winner of Nagina seat in Lok Sabha elections 2024, got a total of 5,12,552 (5 lakh 12 thousand five hundred fifty-two) votes. At the same time, Om Kumar of BJP got 3,61,079 and Manoj Kumar of Samajwadi Party got 1,02,374 votes.

handrashekhar Azad has achieved a record-breaking victory in Nagina Lok Sabha. This is the first election in which Chandrashekhar Azad has won. This victory is definitely a big one and has been recorded in the history of Nagina. Before this, Chandrashekhar Azad has contested the UP assembly elections, although he could not win. But how could he win because he had to reach the Lok Sabha and not the assembly. After his victory, Chandrashekhar Azad thanked everyone. While talking to the media, he said,

I thank the people of Nagina who blessed me, I also thank those who criticized me. I thank all those who voted for me, worked for me 24 hours a day. I also thank all those Karmacharis and my workers who worked with full honesty.”

INDI alliance benefits

After the victory, Chandrashekhar Azad said on the performance of India Alliance, “If India Alliance had acted wisely, the result would have been much better than this.” Let us tell you that before the elections started, Chandrashekhar Azad was a part of India Alliance. But according to sources and media reports, Akhilesh Yadav and the Alliance did not agree that Chandrashekhar should contest the election from Nagina. But Chandrashekhar Azad worked hard continuously on the Nagina seat and met people at the grassroots level. He connected with them. This is the reason why Chandrashekhar Azad contested this election without joining any alliance and created history by winning the Nagina seat by 1.5 lakh votes.

After Chandrashekhar Azad’s victory, videos of celebrations started going viral on social media. Videos of the crowd chanting Jai Bhim also surfaced. There is an atmosphere of happiness among the workers of Azad Samaj Party and Bhim Army, whose founder is Chandrashekhar Azad. Chandrashekhar Azad is a grassroots leader and now he has been elected as a Lok Sabha MP. Everyone hopes that after going to Parliament, Chandrashekhar will become the voice of Dalits, backward, poor, oppressed and minorities.

Miyasa village is situated in the hilly region of Ghatol block in Banswara district, lying on the Aravalli Plateau. The area is known for frequent droughts and labor migration, but many problems contribute to the crisis that the local Bhil tribal community is facing. Being faced with adversity, some tribals have started turning to the traditional practice of Halma (community collective action), with the help of which they are planting castor, khakhra, and Timaru on community land and sowing and harvesting crops all throughout the village.

For the tribal communities of Banswara district, low agricultural yields and water shortages are the main issues. The two are linked as, beyond the most acute concern for drinking water, a water shortage also leaves less water available to irrigate crops outside of the rainy season. Thus, many farmers are limited to one crop per year- during the monsoon. Because this does not cover their needs for food, let alone income, many are pushed into a vicious cycle of labor migration, exploitation, and hunger.

But these days in Miyasa village, the tribal population has saved lakhs of rupees by sowing and fencing their fields with the help of the community. This village of Bhil tribals may have found a solution to the problems they were facing in farming and other aspects of life.

Mrs. Amri Devi Ninama, a member of the Gram Swaraj Sangathan formed by Vaagdhara, tells us about Halma: “Halma is an ancient tradition of our Bhil community. When a person is trapped in a crisis in the village and even after applying all his strength, he cannot get out of that crisis, then he invokes Halma. The people of the village get that person out of trouble by fulfilling their social responsibility of participating in Halma.”

Mrs. Jamana Ninama, a member, recounts: “We had called Halma to deal with the crisis of non-availability of field workers in the village. With this Halma, under community participation, about 15 farmers sowed their fields with each other’s help and without spending a single penny. Around 25 people helped on each farmer’s field. Accordingly, we can say that over 300 people did HALMA in each other’s fields, saving a lot of time and money for the farmers.

For the last 20 years, Vaagdhara has been giving training to the tribal people in this area, including on constructing dams and ponds, the adoption of organic farming systems under true farming, benefiting from government schemes, their rights and participation in Panchayat-level politics, community development, and much more.

Devi Lal Ninama, a member of the Krishi Evam Adivasi Swaraj Sangathan, tells us, “The Bhil tribe lives in these villages. It is a hilly, semi-arid area prone to intense rainfall during the monsoon. The average annual rainfall here is usually around 900 milliliters, while the temperatures range from a maximum of 45 degrees Celsius to a minimum of 7 degrees throughout the year. Red, black, stony, loamy soil is mostly found here. The tribes living here depend on the biodiversity here. That’s why these tribes keep their ancient traditions and natural knowledge within themselves. Due to this, the forests are also preserved, and the tribal communities are maintaining their existence.

Keshav Ninama, a youth of Miyasa village, frequently migrates to Gujarat for wages. Keshav and his father have three bighas of land without access to irrigation, from which they grow only rain-fed maize and tuvar. Maize is useful only for eating at home. They are not able to sell it in the market and there is no profit from the crop. Cash is always tight at home. That’s why half of the family had to start migrating to other states for wages because laborers were not available to do farming and our on-farm expenditure was also very high. But now, he stopped migrating outside thanks to the help he got with sowing and harvesting the crops after invoking Halma. We have now solved our own needs in the village by helping each other and we will make community participation through Halma our way of development.”

Ever since Chandrashekhar Azad’s victory in the elections, there is talk of the end of Mayawati and BSP. Politicians and media are constantly running the propaganda that Mayawati’s politics is over and now Chandrashekhar Azad has taken her place. But no one wants that two big leaders of the Dalit community come into politics and represent Dalits, backward classes and tribals…
Report by : Avni Kulshreshtha
Edit by : Sushma Tomar

The 2024 Lok Sabha election results came as nothing less than a surprise for the nation. While some parties out-performed themselves, there were some that could not cross the anticipated majority mark. Undoubtedly, the power of democratic elections made tables turn this year. One such highlight came from Nagina, where Chandrashekhar Azad has emerged as a new leader for the Dalits. He wasn’t visibly seen as a threat to other Dalit leaders such as Mayawati in the beginning, but it is his work that has established him as a popular leader in the eyes of the community.

Chandrashekhar Azad, the co-founder of Bhim Army in 2014, and the founder of Azad Samaj Party (Kanshi Ram) in 2020, has made his mark in the minds of the Dalits through his unwavering dedication and visibly impactful groundwork. He has opened several schools in Western Uttar Pradesh, and has had a more ‘hands-on’ approach as compared to his counterparts. In stark contrast to the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, Azad had lost to Yogi Adityanath in Gorakhpur in the 2022 assembly elections. It was the support of both the Dalits, as well as the Muslims, that brought him up as a leader in Nagina.

Azad won the Nagina seat by more than 1.5 lakh votes, establishing him as a new leader amidst the Dalits after Mayawati. Azad’s victory in Nagina is particularly noteworthy because prior to 2009, this constituency was part of the Bijnor Lok Sabha seat, the same seat from which Mayawati contested elections. Her absence from the foreground gave the people an opportunity to place their faiths in someone new, and Chandrashekhar Azad, with a notably promising history with the community, won their hearts.

However, that’s not to say that Mayawati is not appreciated. She was elected as the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh four times, and Bahujan Samaj Party emerged as a major political force under her leadership, making a space for itself in the Indian political sphere. She worked towards reservation to uplift the Dalits, and made various advancements in education as well as infrastructure.

She initiated the creation of numerous statues, parks, and memorials honouring Dalit figures such as Dr B.R. Ambedkar, and made focused on complete eradication of caste-based violence. Through rallies, speeches, and grassroots organizing, she galvanized Dalit communities, promoting political involvement and activism. Mayawati’s efforts have left a lasting imprint on Indian politics, greatly advancing Dalit empowerment and transforming the political landscape to be more inclusive of marginalized groups.

Therefore, the 2024 Lok Sabha elections have made clear that people are not afraid to place their trust on new faces if they remain unsatisfied. It is necessary for party leaders to realise that the masses will elect those that they believe in, and those who engage in grassroot efforts. Indian democracy is strong enough to not be fooled and elected leaders need to show visible work for upliftment of all communities.

After villages and towns, now caste has taken over social media also. The so-called upper caste people are proudly declaring their caste on social media. Because it shows them above others. But Ambedkarite girls have also started writing openly on social media and have started fighting against caste in this new era..

Small-town and village girls from all corners of India are taking to Instagram to loudly assert their caste and in the process making it the latest battleground for the country’s longstanding caste-specific politics. The BBC followed 100 accounts and also spoke to a number of influencers to understand what was going on.

Prominent influencers include 24-year-old Brahmin from Uttar Pradesh, Shivi Dikshit. Dikshit shares Reels with 150,000 followers on Brahmin supremacy, prohibiting inter-caste marriage, and quota for Dalits. Brahmins have a cultural upbringing unlike other caste groups, she says, wanting to spread her community’s ethos and busting the myths.

Even though caste-based discrimination is illegal in India, the mere mention of it pretty much determines the rest of your life — no exaggeration here! Dalits which constitute nearly 200 million people are the most marginalised. Dalit women challenge people like Dikshit on the same platform and about the same issue.

Seemi Milind Jadhav, a 22-year-old Dalit beautician from Mumbai, calls herself Bhimachi Sherni on her Instagram account in honor of Dalit icon Bhimrao Ambedkar. Seeing disinformation being propagated by upper-caste handles, Jadhav began creating her own Reels. Dr Ambedkar is like a father to me. And this is me being a lioness for my dad,” she said. Today she works with other Dalit women in the digital space to produce content on Ambedkarism and counter caste-based discrimination.

According to a report by the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), the social media space in India has become more “democratized,” especially among the less educated and rural population. It gave voice to women from different castes and backgrounds to speak out and resist male control. Some have started with TikTok for their online presence and then after the app was banned in India in 2020, moved to Instagram.

These influencers often post content around “ideal” caste partner and criticize inter-caste marriages, echoing common societal beliefs. In a 2019-2020 Pew Research Center survey, more than 60% of Indians felt that it was important to discourage inter-caste marriage. A study by the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS) mentions an “democratization of the social media.

It does — but it exacerbates polarization, too. Hilal Ahmed, an assistant professor at CSDS, argues, ‘Coming at least at the face of it, while these women claim some victimhood, they also claim that they do not fear anyone’. Meta has ever chapters HATE speech, merry that itself videos adheres reactions community standards.

Social media provides a child bride-haunted Nigeria a platform to navigate patriarchy, and assert identity as millions of young women are not allowed mobile phone without permission from their parents. Unbox singh Greenwich, who began making Reels in secret, told BuzzFeed News she now proudly claims her Dalit identity and gets support from her family.

Like this social media trend, its the caste, the same age-old caste that was, is, how it rules India, and how people continue to be braided with it politically, culturally, even digitally.