Category Archives: Politics

Manipur needs a fresh start

June 30, 2024 | By Eklavya

When moderate voices are marginalized so completely and effectively as has happened in the North-Eastern state of Manipur over the past year and more, it is apparent that societal cleavages have deepened exponentially. Indeed, a number of highly respected commentators are now saying that the Meitei-Kuki divide has widened to form an unbridgeable chasm.

Of the many causes for this state of affairs, the prolonged inability and/or unwillingness of the N Biren Singh government to take on the Meitei radical and vigilante groups is surely a pivotal factor. This is not to say that Kuki armed groups have not been equally vicious if not more so. But to underline the fact that it is of some solace to saner minds across the political spectrum that this so-called strategy did not pay off. In fact, it seems to have boomeranged with the Congress winning from both Lok Sabha seats in the state including the Meitei-dominated Inner Manipur parliamentary seat. It also is worth noting that RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat in his post-General Election statement indicated that the Sangh wants the hurt, resentment, and fear across vast swathes of the population of Manipur to be addressed on a priority by the administration at the state-level and the Centre.

Recent reports that the Chief Minister, who has served primarily his own agenda regardless of whether he was in the Congress or the BJP over the past two decades, is finally on the way out were denied but primarily by Biren Singh himself! In Delhi’s power corridors, the talk is of when, not if, there is a change in political leadership in Manipur. And about time too. For, a new beginning is sorely – and surely – needed.

The adjective used by a longtime observer of state politics to describe ties between the Meitei and Kuki communities, “toxic”, is unfortunately entirely accurate. This, in turn, has led leaders on both sides to say in private that coexistence is not possible for Meitei and Kuki within Manipur. If the divide in the state is as permanent as the ground reports suggest, the atrocities we have seen till now will likely fade in comparison with what may yet come.

Though the violence has not been one-sided, the Kuki community has borne the brunt of Meitei mobs on the rampage across the state over the past year. Kuki distrust of the state government is entirely understandable as the state law-enforcement machinery has failed in its primary duty. The bigger concern, however, is that the dominant narrative amidst the majority Meitei community seems to justify violence against the Kuki.

The Kuki community, it is alleged, are mostly illegal immigrants from Myanmar who are engaged in poppy cultivation having cleared large tracts of forest land in the hills of Manipur. The truth of this assertion is contested, though it cannot be wholly dismissed. But that is a law-and-order issue which should have been dealt with strictly by the Biren Singh administration. That this did not happen, however, can in no way justify the mob on the street calling for the large-scale “eviction” of the minority Kuki community from the state much less be a ground for the atrocities unleashed on those belonging to it.

The bloodshed in Manipur may have been sparked by the attacks on members of the Meitei community by hardline Kuki in Churachandpur District in May last year, but there should have been no room for so-called “retaliation” by vigilante groups. It was a clear failure of the state government which could not handle the fallout of the May attacks by swift and robust action against the perpetrators. Anyone who is claiming anything to the contrary is indulging in whataboutery. The atmosphere of intimidation in the months following the violence, and the lack of politicians of stature attempting to seriously initiate inter-community dialogue till today, points towards a bleak future.

It must also not be forgotten that a state-seeking separatist movement in Manipur was led by a section of the Meitei community in past decades, and many of the cadres of proscribed outfits such as the UNLF led the orgy of violence against the Kuki community in 2023. It would be naïve to believe that these are the people who have taken up arms against “Kuki infiltrators” out of a desire to protect the integrity of India. In this context, the Meitei community in particular needs to be appreciated for having, in essence, sent out a clear message to its hardline leaders in the Lok Sabha poll – not in our name. Moderate voices in both communities need to take a stand. Because Manipur deserves better.

AAP in Delhi losing its high moral ground?

July 11, 2024 | By V K Cherian

Aam Admi Party (AAP) came to power in 2014 on a moral high ground of activism and fight against corruption and after en years it seems they have lost the “ moral high ground” and have become yet another political party with its usual “ chaltha hai” attitude, going by recent incidents, especially those relating to their own member of Rajya Sabha Ms Swati Maliwal.

Apart from the ugly incident involving Ms Maliwal‘s alleged physical abuse at Chief Minister Arvind Kejariwal’s residence, the move to clip the wings of the one of the finest women empowerment commission of the country, almost in a fit of rage to discredit its former Chairperson( Ms Maliwal) who has now taken on the party and blaming the Chief Minister for assault on her.

It seems the She is the last in the proverbial straw which exposes AAP leadership’s “moral high “ ground and activism in politics is indeed hollow.

Combined with the ongoing “liquor scam” allegations where the Chief Minister and Deputy Chief Minister Manish Sisodia and earlier expulsion of the founders of AAP, Mr. Prashant Bhushan and Yogendra Yadav within six months of coming to power in Delhi with a huge majority, had already shown the high handed personalized political working style of the AAP supremo Mr Kejariwal. The latest example being the ongoing campaign of calumny against Ms. Maliwal and also the effort to almost dismantle the Delhi Women’s Commission which had become an island of excellence among such commission’s across the country.

In a hard hitting letter to Chief Minister Ms Maliwal said, “This explicit attack by the Delhi Government exhibit unprecedented hostility towards the Commission’s work. Such a trajectory risks the Commission’s closure, jeopardizing the vital services rendered to survivors of crime and discrimination. As the Chief Minister of a city infamous as the ‘Rape Capital of the World,’ it is crucial to safeguard systems that protect women and girls.”

On 2 July 2024, Maliwal, member of Parliament, sill representing Aam Admi Party(AAP) wrote a letter to Chief Minister Arvind Kejariwal, her long time associate, now estranged after an alleged incident of physical abuse at his official residence during the run up to elections.

Swati Maliwal is no ordinary member of AAP, as she had a glorious tenure of 9 years as Chairperson of the Delhi Women’s Commission, with an excellent track record. Not just that Ms Mailwal was a n associate of Kejariwal from his NGO days and have been part of the India against corruption struggle with Anna Hazare, which saw the birth of AAP and its coming to power in Delhi.

The provocation for the Rajya Sabha MP, writing to the incarcerated Chief Minister was the decision of the Delhi Government to transfer the Delhi Women’s Commission’s women helpline 181 to the Department of Women and Child welfare.

“During my tenure, of over 8 years, the Commission successfully handled more than 1.7 Lakh complaints from women and children. Additionally, the 181 Women Helpline operated by the Commission received more than 41 Lakh calls since 2016. This Helpline ran with a sophisticated setup comprising of over 45 counsellors who responded to calls round the clock, even on national holidays and festivals. Supported by the Mobile Helpline Program, which includes a fleet of 23 cars and 66 counsellors available 24*7, the Helpline conducted over 2.5 lakh visits to aid women and children in distress across the Capital and carried out more than 2,500 rescue operations. The Helpline many times even successfully rescued girls and women from other states. The efficient functioning of the 181 Women Helpline drew the appreciation of foreign dignitaries, state governments, and commissions who regularly visited the DCW to study its operations.”, Ms Maliwal in her four page letter pointed out.

She went on “Furthermore, through the Rape Crisis Cell (RCC), the Commission stationed a lawyer in every Delhi court handling rape cases. The legal team of the Commission comprised of over 82 lawyers and supported survivors of sexual assault in 1.9 lakh court hearings over the past 8 years. RCC Lawyers even ensured filing of applications for victim compensation for all rape survivors, significantly assisting them during their trauma. The team filed over 8,215 applications for victim compensation, and its functioning is closely monitored by the judiciary. The judiciary has often commended the excellent work of RCC Lawyers in rehabilitating rape survivors. The Crisis Intervention Centre (CIC), staffed with 67 dedicated counselors, has provided support to over 60,751 sexual assault survivors in the past 8 years”.

In a letter which explained in detail, the working of the DWC, which has been made an impact socially and politically for AAP and Delhi. “ Whenever a rape is reported in the capital, the Delhi Police notifies the Commission through its 181 Women’s Helpline, and a CIC counsellor is dispatched to assist the survivor throughout the legal and medical procedures. The Commission’s counsellors provide vital psycho social support, guiding survivors through law enforcement agencies, hospitals and conducting personal sessions to aid them in overcoming their trauma. Through this process, the Commission has assisted in the registration of over 29,800 FIRS in cases of sexual assault and harassment in the Capital.”

Moreover, the Commission has been operating 57 Mahila Panchayat Centres, instrumental in handling domestic dispute cases and raising awareness at the grassroots level on gender issues. Over the years, these centres, operated by around 300 support staff, have played a crucial role in addressing over 2.13 lakh complaints registered therein and organising over 52,296 awareness sessions.

The commission had only 12 permanent staff and had employed a host of contract labour including empanelling lawyers to effectively address the issues with the judiciary and the various arms of the government. They have been denied the salaries, as the Delhi government has cut down the grant to the Commission. Roughly 674 families are grappling with the repercussions of delayed funds and non-payment of salaries and tehse staff are mostly from the lower strata of the society, the activist turned politician pointed out.

Kejariwal and AAP came to power discrediting an otherwise glorious tenure of the Congress Chief Minister Ms. Sheila Dixit. He contested against Ms Dixit the sitting Chief Minister and defeated her in a straight contest for Delhi assembly. Nemesis seems to catch up with Kejariwal. It is no coincidence that another die hard activist women Ms Maliwal who has stood up against his highly individual style of functioning and also exposing the “high moral ground activism in political”, which AAP used to tout to the public.

Lessons for India from the UK election

July 01, 2024 | By Eklavya

Whether the Indian electoral-governance matrix, premised as it is on the British Westminster model, was the appropriate choice to deal with complexities of governing post-colonial India is a debate that has been going on for the past 75 years. And one can be sure it will continue in future decades.

After all, calls for a so-called Second Republic have been aired in India for a while now. Arguments and counter-arguments on the merits of a Presidential system as opposed to the extant Parliamentary system for the country too continue to be made. The debate on which method of making the vote count, as it were, and best reflects the Indian electorate’s will – proportional representation or the current first-past-post-the-post, winner-takes-all electoral approach – also have passionate adherents on either side.

But this is not an essay on these lofty debates. Rather, it a practical itemisation of the lessons stakeholders in the Indian political system could learn, if they so choose, from what has just gone down in the United Kingdom. As the headlines in the global media understandably highlight the Labour Party’s landslide electoral victory in the July 2024 General Election, which delivered its best showing in terms of number of seats won since the 1920s, there are some critical minutiae that seem to have been lost in the focus on Labour’s stupendous win. These hold lessons for India which follows much the same electoral system as the UK.

First, the Labour Party, while it emerged the winner in 412 Parliamentary seats in the 650-member House of Commons, did so on the basis of only 34% of the popular vote. Replace the Labour Party with BJP and the House of Commons with the Lok Sabha, and the parallels are eerie (albeit the BJP’s vote share has been a few percentage points more than Labour’s over the past three Lok Sabha polls.)

Secondly, the Conservative Party, in winning a measly 121 seats, did not completely collapse in terms of percentage of votes cast in its favour as some political pundits were predicting, which stood at 24%. Think of the Congress Party and the narrative shaped by BJP-simpatico media that India’s Grand Old Party is in terminal decline to understand the similarity. Indeed, the Congress too has been winning about 20-22% of the vote on average in three successive Indian elections beginning 2014.

Thirdly, the Eurosceptic Reform UK Party led by the controversial Nigel Farage won four million votes, which is about 15% of the popular vote, but ended up with just four seats. This compares to the traditional third party in British electoral politics, the Liberal Democratic Party, which won as many as 71 seats with a mere 12% of the national vote. Readers may decide which parties in the Indian set-up correspond with the smaller British parties such as the LDP and Reform to reach their own conclusions.

The fact remains, as the BBC pointed out in its coverage of the UK Election, that the disparity between the vote-share of parties and the seats won by them has been the highest in British history at 30%. Disproportionate representation, anyone?

The short point for Indian political parties which still operate within the ambit of the Westminster system despite desi variations, is that political parties will win some polls and lose others, but the structural issues in the Indian electoral system will have to addressed urgently to prevent a perversity in the name of democracy. For that to happen, however, these issues need to be debated and decided both within party fora and in public discourse. There is, unfortunately, no sign of that happening anytime soon. Readers may decide which parties in the Indian set-up correspond with the smaller British parties such as the LDP and Reform to reach their own conclusions.

The short point for Indian political parties which still operate within the ambit of the Westminster system despite desi variations, is that political parties will win some polls and lose others.

Will Andhra and Telegana be BJP’s Southern Delight

June 04, 2024 | By M Somasekhar

Like no other time in history, the BJP/NDA led by Prime Minister, Narendra Modi is all set to make major inroads into the two Telugu states of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana in the General elections 2024

Success in the 42 Lok Sabha seats (25 in AP and 17 in Telangana) will mark the expansion of the BJP into the South beyond Karnataka. This is vital as the Modi government, seeking a third term is expected to lose seats in its strongholds in UP, Bihar, MP, Haryana, Rajasthan etc.

The best performance of the saffron party in the Telugu states was in the 2019 elections in Telangana. The BJP won 4 seats on its own ( Karimnagar, Secunderabad, Adilabad and Nizamabad). In AP, however, it hit rock bottom with under one percent of the vote share as the Y S Jaganmohan Reddy wave swept all opposition away. The YSR Congress had won 22 of the 25 LS seats and the Telugu Desam Party led by N Chandrababu Naidu bagged the remaining 3 seats.

In the 2024 elections now in the final stages, the BJP is making a strong bid in Telangana while it has stitched up an alliance with the TDP and Jana Sena Party (JSP) of K Pawan Kalyan, the powerstar of Tollywood to take on the YSR Congress Party. Many surveys and political analysts have given the BJP significantly higher number of seats in the LS compared to 2019, when it bagged just 4 in the two states.

The young Telangana State is where the BJP is pinning its maximum hopes. No wonder that Modi and Amit Shah addressed atleast a dozen political rallies across the length and breadth of the State before the polling on May 13. The optimism for an impressive performance by the party has arisen essentially because of the decline of the Bharat Rastra Samithi (BRS) of K Chandrasekhar Rao.

In the November 2023 State Legislative Assembly, the BRS suffered a jolt when it lost power to the Cong(I) led by Anumula Revanth Reddy. It managed to win 39 (down from 88 in 2018) while the Cong(I) got 64, the BJP won 8, the AIMIM-7 and CPI-1 in the 119 member House. The family run BRS leadership got so dispirited and cadre demoralised that it found it difficult to field strong candidates in the 17 LS constituencies.

The weakening of the BRS and its lackadaisical approach to the Parliament elections opened up huge opportunities for both the Cong(I) and the BJP. Soon, it boiled down to a direct fight between the national parties from an anticipated triangular contest. The BRS in its original TRS ( Telangana Rastra Samithi) had 9 seats in the 2019 elections. On top of it, the party lost some of its sitting MPs to both the national parties.

Sensing the opportunity, the BJP decided to go in for the kill. It used the ‘Carrot and Stick’ approach against the political parties, especially the BRS. Through a combination of lure and threat of the investigating agencies the Modi Govt put pressure. The arrest of Kalvakuntla Kavitha, a sitting MLC and former MP from Nizamabad and top of it the daughter of KCR was arrested by the ED in the infamous Delhi Liquor Policy scam. Incidentally, Delhi minister Manish Sisodia had already been imprisoned in the case and the CM, Arvind Kejriwal too put behind bars in the Tihar Jail.

The high pitched campaign by the Modi-Shah duo, the possible shift in BRS votes to the BJP and the confusion and delay in the Cong(I) in selection of candidates, the Ayodhya factor and the promise of industrial development in rural Telangana are all factors that can shore up the BJP tally this time to 7-8. Though, Amit Shah has set an ambitious target and claims to win 14.

On the other hand, the Cong(I), which began on a confident note post its impressive victory in the Assembly elections seemed to be losing steam as the May 13 polling day approached. Initial indications were that it would cross the double digit mark. But, by the end of the campaigning it’s tally seems to be slipping to around 8. The MIM leader, Asaduddin Owaisi is more or less assured of the Hyderabad seat, which the Party has been holding since 1984. The confusion in selection of candidates till the last minute in some constituencies and preferring defectors from BRS has angered the party loyalists.

Win Win in AP for BJP:

The simultaneous elections to the LS and State Assembly have made the contest in AP bitter and a no holds barred between the aging and maverick, 74 year old Chandrababu Naidu and the 51 year old Y S Jaganmohan Reddy, son of Dr Y S Rajasekhara Reddy ( CM of united AP during 2004-09). Naidu, who was a friend-turned-rival of YSR, is now locked in a ‘Do or Die’ battle with Jagan.

In a desperate bid, his TDP has tied up with BJP at the behest of Pawan Kalyan, who is emerging as the key player in the 2024 elections. A good section of the Pollsters, media and political experts are giving a thumbs up to the alliance in cashing in on the anti-incumbency and authoritarian rule of YS Jagan. The NDA alliance is expected to win a majority of the LS seats. It true on June 4, the BJP which got a good share of 6 seats could end up with 2-3 at least. It would mark, not just the opening of its base but also an opportunity to grow in the State, where it’s presence has been marginalised in the last decade since for the bifurcation of AP in 2014. The BJP had its best time the united AP when it won a total of 6 seats under the PM, A B Vajpayee and Naidu’s TDP in the NDA in 1999. Four of the seats were from the present, residual AP State. Incidentally, two MPs also became Union Ministers.

But, the best part of the 2024 elections for the BJP and NDA is the scenario where it is perceived to be the beneficiary whoever wins the majority of the seats. The Jagan led YSR CP has been a supporter of the Modi Govt throughout 2019-24 on all issues in the Parliament. In return, the Modi government did not put any pressure on the multiple cased in which Jagan is involved. During the present campaign too the BJP did not attack Jagan much and it was vice versa. Therefore, a win by Naidu or Jagan implies boost in numbers and support to the Modi and NDA, is the common refrain.

The expectations are high and suspense heightened due to the high percentage of voting-82% up from 79% in 2019.

The question on everybody’s mind is how much will the BJP gain in the two Telugu states in 2024? It could be a critical factor in the post result scenario on June 4.

The author is a senior Journalist based in Hyderabad.

Poll 2024: Where Cong is to blame and where it’s not

April 20, 2024 | By Eklavya

At around this time last year, the Opposition seemed to be in with a fighting chance to stitch together an alliance/seat-sharing arrangement that would pose a challenge to the BJP-led NDA for the 2024 General Election. Whether or not it would have prevented Prime Minister Narendra Modi from winning a third successive term, it certainly could have prevented the sweep now being predicted by pollsters and pundits alike for the ruling party.

The I.N.D.I.A. alliance launched in Bengaluru in July 2023 seemed to indicate that the Opposition brains trust had realised what had been obvious to most – that a fragmentation of the anti-BJP vote would need to be prevented if the saffron electoral juggernaut was to be halted in its tracks – or at least slowed down – come 2024. For a while, it actually seemed possible.

The presence of political heavyweights including Sonia Gandhi, MK Stalin, and Mamata Banerjee at the I.N.D.I.A. launch, and major regional parties including the RJD, Samajwadi Party, AAP, CPM, CPI, NCP (Sharad Pawar), and Shiv Sena (UBT) among others also open to reaching an understanding, did have the BJP concerned. From there, to the shambles the Opposition is in at present, has been a rather swift journey.

For leading lights of the Opposition, the operating adage appears to be success has many fathers but failure has a single parent, the Congress! The Grand Old Party has been blamed for having delusions of grandeur and being in denial about its diminished clout in the Indian political-electoral system, which may or may not be true, and more specifically for the failure of seat-sharing talks with numerous prospective allies.

That is where the Congress has been treated rather shabbily by the rest of the Opposition. The initial idea behind a Grand Opposition Alliance was that, as far as possible, there be a one-on-one contest against the BJP and its allies on all Lok Sabha seats. So, far, so good. But the methodology suggested to arrive at which party which would contest which seat, was that all I.N.D.I.A. alliance members would contest the seats their respective parties had won in the 2019 election, and a majority if not all seats in the states where they were the ruling or main Opposition party.

This was clearly an attempt to cut the Congress down to size. It does not take a genius to work out that with less than 50 sitting Lok Sabha MPs, and the Congress Party mainly ruling or occupying the status of the main Opposition in states where the BJP is phenomenally strong, the party would struggle to better its 2019 performance. There was clearly an element of trying to be too clever by half by non-Congress Opposition worthies.

Political logic and that of self-survival dictated that the Congress would, as it did, push back against this attempt to corner it by so-called allies. This led to delays in seat-sharing talks, and opportunistic regional parties jumping into the welcoming arms of the BJP-led NDA, which has once again grown in size as it does prior to most polls.

The Congress is to blame for creating many of the situations that the BJP has exploited over the past ten years, and its organisational-ideological degradation is evidence that it is paying for its sins, as it were. But the Congress is certainly not to blame for an Opposition in disarray seemingly ready to give a walkover to the BJP. The truth that Congress-baiters need to accept is that apart from the Grand Old Party, reduced as it is in both coherence of narrative and agitprop ability, there is no other major party in India that will never ally with the BJP.

Yes, the communists also fit the above framework except the Left parties are a very marginal electoral force today.At present, the electoral reality is that there is no pan-Indian party in play. For example, the BJP is negligible albeit making attempts to grow in the South, the Congress is missing in action from most of the North, and regional parties hold sway in large parts of the East.

Proof of the continued political relevance of the Congress is that the BJP recognises it as still the only nationwide political force which can, at some point, challenge it. That is not the Congress’ fault.

EVMs Disenfrenchises your ‘secret vote’, Why Election Commission of India sitting on ‘Totalizer’?

April 19, 2024 | By Binny Yadav

According to Rajiv Kakria, booths are captured months before the elections in a bloodless swoop without a bullet being fired. Booth-Wise Result of Constituencies should not be made available to anyone. Elected representatives after getting the booth-wise result of polling, then start blackmailing.”

For any democracy to survive adult franchise is a pre-condition and the other more importantly a secretor ballot. As India votes to choose 18th Lok Sabha amidst questions raised on the Electronic Voting Machine (EVM)s’ reliability and country wide protests demanding its complete roll back and also the demand for hundred percent counting and cross-checking of voter-verifiable paper audit trail (VVPAT) records, there are more serious questions not on the EVMs, as allows quick and easy to handle votes, but the process adopted to count votes baring the secrecy of votes disenfranchising the voters putting a big question mark on the credibility of the entire election exercise.

The big question therefore is if your ballot secret? If not, the very basic factor responsible for the free and fair election is jeopardised, eventually dismantling the edifice of democracy, and the culprit is the process around voting machine which collects the votes but cant keep it a secret. In absence of ‘Totalizer’ which was recommended by the election commission, way back in 2008, endorsed by the Law commission and court’s order for its implementation, EVMs continue to be used as a booth-wise vote casting machine with no mechanism for keeping the votes secret, clearly disenfranchising the voters for their ‘fundamental right’ to choose the government of their choice by ‘free and fair’ and without fear or pressure on their choices.

In 2013, even before the Bhartiya Janata Party formed the government in 2014 and much before electronic voting machines came under hammer for the possible tampering, this was realised by the election commission of India that EVMs, can tamper with the process opening the secrecy of the individual voters preferences. Over the years, while possibilities of tampering of the EVMs became a prominent issue with differed opinions and questions raised on the VVPAT for its transparency in particular and eliminating the use of EVMs in general, the belief that EVMs penetrate into the fairness of democratic process is supported purely by the mathematics based on how the vote is cast and how these are being counted. The very methodology of counting of votes through EVMs has been under scanner since long, but with safeguard mechanism proposed by the Election commission of India, courts and Law Commission in the form of totaliser, but not implemented yet for want of executive decision, tearing apart the very concept of ‘secret ballot’

What is a ‘Secret Ballot’

Right to free and fair elections to the citizen of India emanates from the fundamental right to Free Speech and Expression as enshrined in Article 19 (1) (a) of the Constitution of India. Under the provisions of the Representation of the Peoples Act, 1951, every citizen of India has the “right to vote” which includes and inheres in it right to have fair and free opportunity to every citizen of India to cast his/her vote without having any fear or intimidation. The Act also provides for maintaining “secrecy of voting” and also for “maintaining of secrecy regarding counting of Votes” by every person connected with the recording or counting of votes. The rules under the Act also recommend “maintenance of secrecy of voting” by electors within polling station and voting procedure.

Why EVMs doesn’t keep ‘Secrecy of Ballot’

Before 1971, counting of votes used undertaken polling station wise but the post poll violence and intimidation of the voters in the areas where the voters had not voted for a particular candidate, the procedure was changed and instead, ballot papers of all booths/polling stations in a single constituency were mixed to ensure anonymity of voters and then counted.

Electronic Voting Machines were introduced in 1998 in India for voting and counting of votes in “constituency-based Elections” (in part), and since 2004 used on complete base in the country as a voting mechanism. The EVMs however, continued pre 1971 system of counting the votes booth or polling station wise. This, ever since EVMs use as voting mechanism has put a question mark for not only the secrecy of vote but also for the intimidation of the voters. It actually discloses the voting preference of a particular polling station as this is an easy understanding during the counting process which ballot box is carrying the vote of which block, Mohalla, or house numbers. While individual vote may be a secret but EVMs clearly discounts the provision of ‘secrecy of votes’ by disclosing the booth wise voting pattern to the election officers , the government servants, and the political party agents, who can easily identify the voting patterns and even individual votes in an area.

This not only leads to violation of right of secrecy of ballot/maintenance of secrecy of ballot, but also right to vote without fear and intimidation baring the voters to pre and post elections coercion and victimization. This also gives an opportunity for the political parties specially the ruling party for undue influence, allurement of voters and trading of votes. This according to the activists who analysed the process says also has a lasting impact on MP-MLA LAD schemes as the winners focus their attention to those who voted for them, rather than the entire constituency.

In fact Election Commission, while acknowledging the need of the issue, recommended way back in November 2008, for using Totalizer in EVM for counting in order to avoid booth wise counting, however no effective steps have been taken in this regard for want of government santions.

Who is sitting on Election Commission’s Recommendation for Totaliser?

The ECI, in 2008, recommended to the Ministry of Law and Justice to amend the Election Rules to provide for the use of a totaliser for the counting of votes recorded in EVMs at elections. As per the ECI’s suggestion, “the results of votes polled in a group of 14 EVMs (hence, in 14 polling stations) would be calculated and announced together, in a change from the current practice of counting votes by each polling station. This is based on technological constraints.”

The underlying rationale behind the ECI’s proposal was that the “current” system revealed the voting trends in each polling station, thus leaving the voters in that vicinity open to harassment, intimidation and post-election victimisation.

Prior to the introduction of EVMs, ballot papers could be mixed, wherever it was considered “absolutely necessary” under Rule 59A of the Election Rules in light of “apprehend[ed] intimidation and victimisation of electors”. However, EVMs do not permit this.

The Law Commission further recommended, “ In the appropriate case, where the Election Commission apprehends intimidation and victimisation of electors in any constituency, and it is of the opinion that the votes recorded in the voting machines should be mixed before counting, it may by notification in the Official Gazette, specify such constituency where the returning officer shall use a totaliser for the counting of votes recorded in a group of electronic voting machines”.

The law commission also maintained then that using a totaliser would increase the secrecy of votes during counting, thus preventing the disclosure of voting patterns and countering fears of intimidation and victimisation.

Although the ECI’s proposal was referred to a Parliamentary Committee in 2009, no action was taken on it. In August 2014, the ECI moved the Law Ministry on this issue again. Subsequently in September 2014, the Supreme Court in a PIL in Yogesh Gupta v ECI542 issued directions to the government to issue to clarify why no steps were taken pursuant to the ECI’s 2008 proposals. Noting that the issue had been referred to the Law Commission for consideration, the three-judge bench of the Court asked the government what concrete steps it had taken on the ECI’s suggestions of using a totaliser to prevent (or reduce) instances of intimidation or victimisation.

Moreover, as the ECI has itself clarified, a “totaliser” has already been developed by EVM manufacturers to connect several control units at a time to indicate the total number of votes polled and recorded in the specified number of polling stations. Thus, administratively it is not difficult to collect information about the number of votes polled by each candidate for a whole group of polling stations, thus hiding the pattern of voting in each individual booth.

Citing all the above facts and “reasons”, the Law Commission reiterated and endorsed the “ECI’s suggestion for introducing a totaliser for the counting of votes recorded in EVMs……the Commission proposes to amend Rules.. to empower the ECI to decide when, and in which constituency and polling booths, to employ a totaliser, after taking into consideration the context of the elections and any threats of intimidation or victimisation”.

Why even the Court order on use of Totaliser not implemented yet

Responding to a Public Interest Petition filed by an NGO SP Chetna, working on civil and democratic rights, the High Court of Delhi in 2013 had observed and noted ” that the EC has already recommended to GOI the use of totalizer for ensuring confidentiality of voters and in order to ensure that no vengeance is wrecked by the winning candidate against vote of a particular booth who may have voted against it”.

The NGO also pleaded then to the ECI in a letter on 2013, “votes can be traced to a Block of about 200 Households allocated to a booth and political Parties buy block votes through the Local Goon / Leader who guarantees 90% votes in favour of the highest bidder ……the threat of reprisal/ intimidation keeps most such voters of a booth in line.”

It also maintained “Our research reveals that the local *Goons / Leaders collect the Ration Cards, Pension Papers etc as a security deposit to be returned only if the entire Booth Votes as promised.”

Implications when the vote is not ‘secret’

According to Rajiv Kakria and Anil Sood, founders of SP Chetna, this results in total collapse of the democratic machinery eventually. “Coercion and Intimidation for votes is the direct fall out when the ballot is not secret” and “bulk purchase of Votes on caste, community, and religious lines is real. Can we call it a Secret Ballot?”

According to Rajiv Kakria, booths are captured months before the elections in a bloodless swoop without a bullet being fired. Booth-Wise Result of Constituencies should not be made available to anyone. Elected representatives after getting the booth-wise result of polling, then start blackmailing.”

Wooing minority votes the norm – for all groups in Kerala

April 20, 2024 | By Mohan Das Parappurath

In Kerala LDF, UDF and NDA make every effort to woo Muslims and Christians. But who will win the ‘minorities’ vote in the coming Lok Sabha elections? The Muslims and Christians, who constitute a considerable portion of the state’s population– 27 per cent and 18 per cent, respectively–play a decisive role in most elections. Minority votes keep shifting, depending on the existing political scenario at both state and national levels, perceived threats, persuasion and new developments.

A significant political shift visible since 2019 elections is a polarisation to counter the Modi wave or what is perceived as pro-BJP consolidation. An anti-Modi response was visible in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, when BJP lost 14 per cent of its votes compared to the 2014 elections, according to a survey report. In an election where Sabarimala women entry issues created major ripples, it was not surprising for Muslim voters to shift en masse to non-BJP fronts. While BJP got just 2 per cent of Muslim votes, the LDF and UDF scored 65 and 30 percent respectively. Noticeably, an almost similar trend was seen in Christian votes too, with the BJP losing 7 per cent of the Christian vote share in 2019 elections from 2014. At the same time, UDF recorded a 5 per cent rise in its Christian vote share while LDF suffered a 2 per cent dip. That there had been a massive consolidation of anti-BJP votes from the minority kitty was very evident. It was, however, the UDF who turned out to be the lone beneficiary, bagging 70 per cent of Christian voted and 65 per cent of Muslim votes.

Traditionally, the UDF with a strong Muslim League and the most dependable Kerala Congress allies, has benefited from minority votes in Kerala. The Left on the other hand, does not have such fixed deposit of minority votes, despite it having the Indian National League and a few minor Kerala Congress allies in its kitty. The Left seems to have succeeded to some extent in its efforts to win Christian votes. This time, the ruling BJP at the Centre has handed the Left several golden opportunities in the form of Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), Palestine issue and Ram temple. The Congress’s timid response to these sensitive issues has given hopes to the Left.

Amid the LDF UDF tussle to win over Muslim voters, there is a stealthy attempt by the BJP led NDA, to woo Christians. A host of national issues like Manipur, ill treatment of Chritians elsewhere in North India, the fishermen protest in Vizhinjam are more deep rooted than portrayed. One can see BJP nurturing its ambitious Christian outreach programme, the LDF going all out to humour Christians bishops across denominations and the UDF banking on its traditional support basis.

The UDF hopes to retain its 65-70 per cent minority votes. The LDF wants to poll at least 35 per cent of votes that would ensure victory in key constituencies. The BJP aims to carve out its own niche among minorities. The shift in vote pattern among Muslims and Christians usually decides the winner. This time too, things are not going to be different.

Come elections, Kerala politics shows its true colours. Right from seat sharing to candidate selection and allotment of cabinet berths, caste and religious permutations have always played a crucial role. It would be wrong to assume that progressive Kerala voters are solely ideology driven. All three fronts-LDF, UDF and NDA usually leave caste equations undisturbed, even as they balance out religious ones. The more progressive Kerala claims to be, the more regressive appears the clout of castiest groups in its society.

As campaigning for the polls moves to the final lap, the two political fronts have met with an unexpected stumbling block. Days after the ruling CPM and the opposition Congress moved the Central Election Commission against Doordarshan’s telecast of controversial movie, “The Kerala Story”, three prominent factions of the Catholic SyroMalabar Church have come forward to screen the movie among the faithful.

Criticizing the screening of the film as part of an attempt to malign Kerala image to malign Kerala’ image, CPM leaders say “They seek to portray Kerala as a hotbed of communalism, which is far from the truth”.

Electoral Bonds: Exposing Political Hypocrisy

April 02, 2024 | By Binny Yadav

The jinn of electoral bonds is finally out in the public domain with the Election Commission of India (ECI) uploading the details of the political donations and the beneficiaries on its website. That thousands of crores of rupees were donated by corporate houses through electoral bonds is evident through these details, this intriguingly, also reveals how almost all the top donors had some or the other investigations going on in their or their company’s name through various investigating agencies of India. The details of which corporate house donated to which political has party has been disclosed by the State Bank of India as per the Supreme Court (SC) notice, the interesting link between the top donors and the investigations on these, specially for money laundering in many of the cases establishes the apprehensions of the apex court of “quid pro quo” . It is now crystal clear that electoral bonds not only failed in its purpose of bringing transparency to political funding, but also that these most likely became instrument of legitimising money laundering by political and financial misappropriation. This also exposes the political hypocrisy- that a legitimate government instrument, in the name of electoral bonds scheme was used by making due amendments in the legal system to amass the disproportionate money on one hand and an illegal system of money laundry was used as a means to achieve the goal of amassing money in the name of political funding in the name of bringing transparency to the system while curbing black money.

As expected the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party being the biggest beneficiary of the electoral bonds scheme, Trinamool the second and Indian National congress stand third biggest the biggest beneficiaries.

After the Electoral Bond Scheme was struck down by the Supreme Court on February 15, the SBI which was bank to facilitate the purchase and redemption of the electoral bonds submitted the details under the court’s direction to the ECI which, again as per the court’s compliance, uploaded the details on its website. Since the SBI had only shared the details of the donors and the donee, it was not clear in the beginning as to who donated to which political party and this led to the apprehension that the entire purpose of striking down the Electoral Bonds Scheme as “unconstitutional” on account of these violating the “right to information” would fail as the general elections are too close and the redeemed money would be (mis)used in the electoral process.

The Chief Justice DY Chandrachud taking cognizance of the urgency issued notice to SBI to furnish details of the secret code linking the relationship between the donor and the beneficiary. The apex court submitted, “that SBI has not disclosed the Electoral Bonds numbers (alphanumeric numbers). Notice be issued to SBI. We direct the registry to issue notice to SBI returnable on Monday.”

Interestingly, the SBI list is conspicuous of the absence of big corporate houses purchasing the electoral bonds. The top donors’ details vividly indicate how the electoral bonds not only could have promoted money laundering but also could have been used as an instrument for “quid pro quo” as speculated by the apex court while striking the scheme down as “unconstitutional”.

Top donors and their investigation cases, an interesting link!

There is an interesting pattern reflecting in the details of top donors who purchased the electoral bonds between 2019 till 2024, almost all of these invested crores of rupees in purchasing electoral bonds and also have some or the other investigations going on in their or their company’s names.

At least 14 out of the top 30 companies which purchased electoral bonds from 12 April 2019 to 24 January 2024 faced action by central or state probe agencies, revealed data from the State Bank of India released by the Election Commission (EC).

Santiago Martin, popularly known as the ‘lottery king’, through his company Future Gaming and Hotel Services Pvt Ltd, turns out to be the biggest donor. Martin was a labourer in Myanmar who transformed in a short time into ‘Lottery King’ and his Gaming and Hotel Services is one that intervenes dreams with political scandals. Future Gaming and Hotel Services Pvt Ltd donated Rs 1368 crore between 27 October 2020 and 5 October 2023. In May 2023, the ED attached Martin’s Rs 457 crore under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act in connection with a case linked to the alleged loss of over Rs 900 crore to the Sikkim government.

Martin has had multiple run-ins with the law and is also under the scanner of multiple investigative agencies. In 2008, Martin came into the spotlight for an alleged fraud of over Rs 4,500 crore against the Sikkim government. In 2011, he faced searches from Tamil Nadu and Karnataka police forces as part of a crackdown on illegal lottery businesses. In 2013, the Kerala police conducted raids on Martin’s premises as part of an investigation into illegal lottery operations in the state. In 2015, the Income Tax Department raided Martin’s premises across various states, including Tamil Nadu, Kerala, and Karnataka, on allegations of tax evasion and financial irregularities.

Megha Engineering and Infrastructure is reflected as the second biggest donor in the list published by the EC and this too has had run-ins with the investigating agencies. In October 2019, the Income Tax department carried out raids at multiple offices of Telugu tycoon Krishna Reddy Megha Engineering Infrastructure Limited (MEIL) in Hyderabad and other cities. Since then, the company has donated Rs 966 crore in electoral bonds.

Vedanta group collectively donated Rs 400 crore in electoral bonds and interestingly one of its companies, Talwandi Sabo Power Ltd (TSPL) was raided by the ED in connection with a money laundering probe in August 2022. Likewise Haldia Energy Limited which donated Rs 377cr in electoral bonds, the fourth largest donation through the electoral bonds, faced action by the Central Bureau of Investigation in March 2020.

While this pattern of top most donors having investigations in their names by various agencies for money laundering may not be a coincidence this also indicates how the electoral bonds in itself could have been used as an instrument for money laundering and a cover-up in the name of transparency and curbing the black money.

Electoral bonds as a Pandora’s box?

March 05, 2024 | By Binny Yadav & V K Cherian

In an expected move the country’s national Bank-State Bank of India, “Citing operational difficulty”, has moved the Supreme Court for “extending the date to submit details of electoral bonds till June 30, 2024”. Earlier the Court had asked the bank to submit the details of the donor and recipients of the Electoral Bonds by March 6 while quashing the scheme through an order of February 15 on the grounds of it being “unconstitutional” and in violation of Right to Information under Article 19 (1) (a).

No prizes for the guesses for who is going to be affected most or who is the biggest beneficiary of the electoral bond scheme once the SBI makes public the details as required by the Supreme Court while scrapping the electoral bond. The scheme was a unique one in camouflaging political donations, from all and sundry as details of the donor and the beneficiary were not in detail to the public.

The list as A political time Bomb?

The SBI’s plea, obviously emanating from the Finance Ministry which controls the bank, comes out of the ruling parties and the governments discomfiture in opening a Pandora’s box, which will unmask the “clean” face of the party, the government and even the central agencies investigating all and sundry for financial issues across the country. Remember this is a country where asking a potential donor to deposit Rs two lakhs with an organiser of a meet by an aide of the then Defence Minister George Fernandes led to the Minister himself losing his job. Adding to the discomfort of the enforcement agencies is the report that companies under investigation by them have donated Rs 500 crores to the ruling party. A detailed list of electoral bonds as demanded by the court can be a ticking political time bomb for the political parties, especially the ruling regime.

Such details appearing in the public on an election eve can be damaging for any political party in charge of these investigations and more so a ruling party which claims to be clean in their dealings and vowed to eliminate all political corruption.

SBI under pressure?

February 15 order of the Supreme Court to scrap the Electoral Bonds scheme and the directions to SBI to submit details under a deadline just before the general elections was expected to stir the political nest when the biggest beneficiary as per the audit reports has been the ruling party since the electoral bonds scheme was launched in 2017-2018. The SBI’s submission during the time of general election was crucial as the Court’s order had opened the issues of accountability and transparency about the sources of funding for political parties. It seems SBI, a wholly owned Bank of the Central government, is under pressure not to open a Pandora’s box on the eve of general elections falling in 2^nd quarter of the year.

Electoral bond scheme was proposed by former Union Finance minister Arun Jaitley, while presenting the 2017-18 Union Budget, in order to “cleanse the system” of political funding. He maintained then that even after 70 years of Independence, “the country has not been able to evolve a transparent method of funding political parties which is vital to the system of free and fair elections.”

Lack of transparency says Supreme Court

Ironically, the electoral bonds scheme was struck down by the Supreme Court for the very reasons for which these were introduced i.e to “bring transparency to the system of political funding” in India. The scheme came under scanner for having become an instrument of ‘legalizing’ political corruption as it not only gave anonymity cover to the donor while also taking away the upper limit of donation but also giving exemptions in tax beside other objections. The Chief Justice of India DY Chandrachud called the electoral bond scheme “unconstitutional and arbitrary”, categorically saying that it may lead to a “quid pro quo” arrangement between political parties and donors.

Chequered history of political funding

Political funding in India has a chequered history. During the National Democratic Alliance first regime, we saw the ruling BJP’s president caught on camera accepting donations and being forced to resign. From the Mundra Scandal during Congress regime in 1970s till today, political parties have a difficult time explaining their source of funding. Other than the communist parties, no one makes open collections from people too. That makes their funding mechanism always under a cloud, more so when they are in power and can ensure funding through omissions and commissions of the ruling establishment in various dealings. That explains the discomfort of the present ruling regime too in disclosing the entire list of donors and beneficiaries of the electoral bond scheme, whose biggest beneficiary is the ruling party itself. Once the list is out as per the Supreme court ruling ( first deadline of 6 March, is now being pushed by SBI to after elections in May) there will surely be a controversy over names in the list as many investigated by the various enforcement agencies are bound to find their name in it. Maybe some of the fugitives who left the country, who knows.

Political parties have multiple sources of funding, but, accountability and transparency of funds not only affects the running of the administration and policy making but also has a deep impact on the fairness of the electoral and democratic process. It is essential to have comprehensive and transparent accounting methods and systems which should reveal the true financial position of the parties. The ruling party has much bigger responsibility for maintaining transparency and accountabilities of political funding or donations to ward off the expectations of favours in lieu of the donations or financial support, as has been the apprehensions of ‘quid pro quo’ expressed by the Chief Justice of India.

The biggest paradox with the Electoral Bond scheme has been the anonymity of the donor when these were proposed to “cleanse the system” of political funding. According to the Election Commission of India (ECI) letter dated 19th November 2014 it was made mandatory for every political party to submit an audit report to it every Financial Year (FY). However, analyses of the audit reports of the FY 2022-23, submitted to the ECI by various political parties it emerged that electoral bonds, given the anonymity provided to the donor, were the most popular mode of donations to National Political parties for FY 2021-22 and also 2022-2023.

The main reason behind the apex court’s ruling to strike down the electoral bond has been because it hindered the right of the citizens to the information of the source of political funding and thus hindered transparency and accountability. This is essential in accessing the real inspirations being the various policy formulations to awarding of major contracts by the administration.

Three big beneficiaries

According to the information provided to the Association of Democratic Right under RTI, the biggest source of funding to the political parties, 49% of the total income of three national parties BJP, INC, AAP came from the electoral Bonds. As per the annual audit report total income of six national parties through various sources from across the country in FY 2022-23 was 3076.882 cr. Comparing the two parties, BJP had the largest share of this income with 76% (2360.844 cr) and the Congress had 14.70% (452.375cr). Out of 2360.844cr of BJP’s income, the main source, 2120.0642 cr was through the voluntary contribution or bonds which was 89.801%. For the Congress out of the total income of 452.375cr the income from grant/bond/donation constituted 268.6278 cr i.e 59.38%.

Above figures are important for the understanding that the main source of income for the main political parties across India have been from the electoral bonds or donations which are largely from undisclosed or anonymous sources. If we look at the figures as to where the most of this money was spent this would further help us understand why it is important to have accountability and transparency about the source of political funding. Out of its total income of FY 2022-23 BJP spent 1092.1558 cr in election expenditure and propaganda whereas INC spent 192.556 cr in election campaigns and propaganda.

For the past six years since the Electoral Bonds were used by anonymous donors to pay these political parties a major amount was naturally driven towards the ruling party. According to the declaration available on the ECI website, during the six years of the practice of the scheme BJP turned out to be the biggest beneficiary with 57 % electoral funds and the Congress the distant second with 10 % and others compromised with the rest of the money. This is no deviation from the norms as the ruling party has always been the biggest beneficiary of political funding.

As is evident from the above data, a major portion of this fund is used in election campaigning and propaganda. With such arrangement there are two ways how the democratic process of the country is hampered-the anonymous source of funding gives a big room for the scope of corporate influence on the policy matters and if the major portion of this funding is spent for the propaganda and election campaigns this can possibly further hamper the right to true information and opinion building which is necessary while people choose to vote.

Two Governors and a troubled counseling

March 06, 2024 | By V K Cherian

Governor’s making news have been rare in the past, but in vogue these days, thanks to the deep political nature of the Central government in all their dealings with opposition party ruled states. News mostly emanates from the opposition party ruled States and very rarely from other States. No one has heard about a Governor having issues with the Chief Minister of Manipur, a troubled State for months, despite the state being ravaged by tribal group fights condemned by all.

Talking to two Governors of non ruling party (at the centre) States, West Bengal and Kerala is indeed revealing on the new power play and interpersonal communications of the top constitutional functionaries. Aarif Mohammed Khan, Governor of Kerala, appeared to have lost all personal communications with the Chief Minister Mr Pinarayi Vijayan, directly. But Governor Ananda Bose of West Bengal appeared to keep the very personal relationship with the Chief Minister Mamta Banerji, directly, so much so, she sent a few Malayalee cooks to the Raj Bhavan when she heard the Governor as not enjoying the “ machor jal” of Bengalees. In contrast, Governor Aarif, who insists that Kerala is the best State in the country with his natural beauty and human resources (literacy and human dignity index), is not even talking terms with the Chief Minister even on public platforms. He is deeply upset the Chief Minister’s party’s student wing is showing black flags across the state and even changed his security from Kerala police to Central forces to prevent any untoward happenings.

Governor Aarif being a fiery political activist from Aligarh Muslim University and a scholar in his own right has been the best brand ambassador for Kerala in his first three years in the office as the picturistic Raj Bhavan at Thiruvananthapuram. So much so he was on a lecture tour across the country from Kashmir downwards in India, taking special permission from the President to be away from office for 15 days in a month for his tours. He was mighty impressed by the cohabitation of various religions, a phenomenon for generations in the state, the literacy and above all the human dignity even the lowest strata of society enjoys. “I keep telling my friends who are guests at Raj Bhavan from other States, to be careful about the “dignity” factor even for a gardener”, he said in an informal chat. He obviously wanted his guests not to show class, caste hierarchy in their interactions and get snubbed by the staff at Raj Bhavan.

However, the ruling Left Front, and its Chief Minister appears to be not impressed by the Governor’s appreciation of the human development index of the state and suspects a BJP political agenda in every move of his. And after the open acrimonious fight between the Governor and the Chief Minister for the last two years , each is moving in their own way, last being suspension of a Vice Chancellor of a University where the Left wing student organisaiton appeared to have killed a student during ragging. For the Governor, who was shown black flags in his routes across the State by the very same student organisaiton, it was a blessing in disguise to humiliate them and their parental organization the CPIM. “ I had told the Chief Minister that he can openly differ with me on any issues, but keep the communication channel, preferably directly open on issues. But he seems to have shut all channels”, the Governor commented on the situation. The Chief Minister having got his party , CPIM and the Left front and the Cabinet of Ministers under his thumb, seems not to like Governor’s interference in otherwise unquestioned conduct in his official dealings. Unfortunately for the CM, his office and he in person has come under shadow of some of the controversies too, which emboldens the Governor to also show him the rule book occasionally.

But for Governor Ananda Bose, a retired IAS officer appeared to have informal and personal channels open with the Chief Minister Mamata Banerji. He says he has a good personal rapport with the Chief Minister and they counsel each other on various issues, unlike his predecessor who was on an open adversarial path. “I helped her get Rs 2000 crores through my interventions to the state exchequer share of central funds, as she was bitterly complaining about Centre’s non-cooperation”. Governor, being an ex-secretary to the Government of India, could use his old bureaucratic connections to cajole various departments to speed up their disbursal on various programmes. In contrast, the Kerala government has approached the Supreme Court to get his various pending funds from the Centre, indicating a total lack of trust in the Governor, the Centre’s constitutional man in the high office of the State.

It is surprising that both the Governor’s are scholars in their own right and authored a few books. Governor Ananda Bose has even made his Raj Bhavan publish a few books with the Bhavan’s logo too. Governor Aarif has been a scholar of repute and has been even contributing to various English national newspapers from time to time. Both are happy presenting their books to their visitors. One felt both wanted to reach out to the Governments on their own way to discharge their constitutional duties with its political limitations. In West Bengal, such an outreach appeared to happen thanks to the humane approach to issues by both the Governor and the Chief Minister. But in Kerala it happened to be one-sided. Governor has proved to be more humane in his public conduct reaching all places of tragedies, latest being the visit to the parents of the boy who got killed by the left student body goons.

The governor’s office has been retained in the Constitution to ensure constitutional compliance of conduct of the various elected State Governments in a country with diverse population and ethnic history like India, spanning from Mizoram to Kerala. Mostly it is the senior politicians or the retired bureaucrats or judges appointed as Governors, as they bring home certain in depth knowledge of the constitutional functioning, especially between States and Central government for the smooth conduct of the rule of law. Though the elected Chief Ministers have the power, they are to work under the supervision and counseling with the constitutional head of the State, the Governor who is not elected, but appointed from time to time by the central government of the time. It is in the interest of the State and its people that all constitutional functionaries counsel each other to discharge their duties, not openly disagree or fight, wasting their precious time serving the people.